By sadab khan
America News World
October 23, 2025
In a message that blended festive joy with a serious alert, former Afghan Vice President Amrullah Saleh wished Indians and Hindus a happy Diwali while urging them to stay watchful of the famous Deoband Madrasa. Saleh, a fierce opponent of the Taliban, posted this on social media amid growing concerns about ties between the Afghan rulers and this key Islamic school in India. His words have sparked talks about security, faith, and India’s tricky relations with the Taliban-led government in Kabul.
Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, lit up homes and hearts worldwide on October 20, 2025. Leaders from the U.S. to Israel sent warm greetings. U.S. President Donald Trump called it a “time of joy and renewal.” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shared images of lit lamps, saying, “May the light of Diwali chase away darkness everywhere.” Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau highlighted unity and hope. But Saleh’s post stood out for its dual tone. “Happy Diwali to all Indians and Hindus across the globe! Wishing you well. Please be mindful of the Deoband madrasa in the meantime,” he wrote on X (formerly Twitter). The post quickly went viral, racking up over 16,000 likes and thousands of shares.
Saleh is no stranger to controversy. Born in 1972 in Panjshir Valley, he rose through Afghanistan’s intelligence ranks. He served as head of the National Directorate of Security (NDS) from 2010 to 2014, fighting Taliban insurgents and al-Qaeda threats. In 2020, he became vice president under President Ashraf Ghani, focusing on anti-corruption and national unity. When the Taliban swept into Kabul in August 2021, Ghani fled, but Saleh refused to yield. He declared himself acting president and fled to the Panjshir mountains, linking up with Ahmad Massoud, son of the legendary anti-Soviet fighter Ahmad Shah Massoud. Together, they rallied the National Resistance Front (NRF) against Taliban rule. Saleh now lives in exile, using social media to slam the Taliban and Pakistan’s role in Afghan unrest. He has praised India’s firm stand against terrorism and even backed New Delhi in past border clashes with Islamabad. 8
His warning points straight to Darul Uloom Deoband, a massive Islamic seminary in Uttar Pradesh’s Saharanpur district, about 150 km north of Delhi. Founded in 1866 by scholars like Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, it started as a response to British colonial rule. It aimed to preserve Sunni Hanafi Islam through traditional teaching—no Western influences allowed. Today, it spans 70 acres, with over 4,000 students from India and abroad. It runs a printing press that pumps out millions of religious books yearly and issues fatwas (Islamic rulings) on everything from daily life to global politics.
Deoband’s global reach is huge. It inspired madrasas across South Asia, including in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Alumni have shaped movements like India’s Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, which backed the freedom struggle, and Pakistan’s Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam. But its shadow looms largest over the Taliban. Most Taliban leaders trace their roots to Deobandi thought. The group’s top school, Darul Uloom Haqqania in Pakistan’s Akora Khattak—nicknamed the “University of Jihad”—was founded by Maulana Abdul Haq, a Deoband graduate. His son, Maulana Sami ul-Haq, mentored Taliban founder Mullah Omar and other chiefs. Haqqania has churned out thousands of fighters, blending Deobandi theology with militant training.
Saleh’s post comes hot on the heels of a high-profile visit by Taliban Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi to Deoband on October 11, 2025. Muttaqi, a shadowy figure sanctioned by the UN for his Taliban ties, led Afghanistan’s first senior delegation to India since 2021. His six-day trip, starting October 9, included meetings with Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar in New Delhi. They discussed trade, humanitarian aid, and security—key issues as India weighs engagement with the Taliban without full recognition.
The Deoband stop was symbolic. Flanked by security, Muttaqi arrived at the seminary around 10:30 a.m. He got a hero’s welcome from thousands of students and clerics waving green flags. Rector Maulana Mufti Abul Qasim Nomani gifted him a “Sanad,” a rare certificate allowing him to teach Hadith (sayings of Prophet Muhammad). In a speech to 4,000 attendees, Muttaqi praised Deoband as “the mother of all Islamic learning centers” and invited more scholars to Afghanistan. “The bond between Deoband and Afghanistan is ancient and strong,” he said. He also hinted at future visits by Afghan diplomats.
India allowed the visit despite backlash. Critics, including Hindu groups, protested in Delhi and Hyderabad, calling it a nod to extremists who ban women’s education and shelter terrorists. One rally leader warned it could turn Deoband into a “Taliban propaganda hub.” Supporters saw it as smart diplomacy. Deoband has backed girls’ education with separate classes—unlike the Taliban’s total ban for females past age 12. Indian officials view the trip as a quiet push for reforms, plus a way to counter Pakistan’s sway over the Taliban. Tensions between Kabul and Islamabad are high, with border clashes killing dozens this year. India, which lost billions in Afghan projects after 2021, wants to restart trade via Chabahar Port in Iran.
But Saleh sees danger. As the Taliban’s “biggest enemy,” he fears the visit strengthens jihadist links. “Deoband’s pure legacy has been twisted by extremists,” he implied in follow-up posts. His alert echoes worries from Indian intelligence: Deoband alumni in Pakistan fuel groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, blamed for the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Past fatwas from Deoband denounced terrorism, like a 2008 rally with 100,000 clerics slamming al-Qaeda. 9 Yet, some branches abroad mix faith with militancy.
Reactions poured in fast. On X, Indian users split: Some thanked Saleh for the “wake-up call,” sharing #WatchDeoband. Others defended the seminary as a peaceful hub. “Deoband fought British rule alongside Hindus,” one user noted. Afghan exiles hailed him as a hero. Pakistani handles mocked it as “Indian paranoia.” In Kabul, Taliban spokesmen ignored it, focusing on cricket ties with India.
This isn’t Saleh’s first India shout-out. In May 2025, he praised “Operation Sindoor,” a fictional India-Pakistan skirmish, for exposing Islamabad’s games. 8 His Diwali post fits a pattern: Building bridges with Delhi while jabbing foes.
For India, the stakes are high. With 200 million Muslims, it balances secularism and security. Engaging the Taliban could open doors for aid and intel on groups like ISIS-Khorasan, which hit Moscow in March 2024. But it risks alienating allies like the U.S., which shuns the regime. Experts say Deoband could be a soft-power tool—using shared history to nudge reforms, like easing women’s bans.
As Diwali lamps fade, Saleh’s words linger. Is Deoband a bridge or a bridgehead for trouble? India’s watching closely. In a region of shifting sands, one post from exile might just steady the ground—or shake it